以下是小编整理的英语公共演讲范文，本文共12篇，希望能够帮助到大家。
篇1：公共演讲焦虑怎么办
演讲时一般都是一个人站在所有人的面前，形成与群体脱离的状态，让人产生一种不安全感，生理上也有神经被调动起来的紧张感，这是正常现象。下面给大家分享一些关于公共演讲焦虑怎么办，希望对大家有帮助。
如何克服公众演讲的恐惧
第一重：解决怕不怕的问题。在这一重是解决敢不敢和怕不怕的问题，放不开、犹豫顾虑，纠结要不要站上去的。这一重可以通过改变自己的对于演讲的认知，包括降低对自己变现的预期，以及大量的脱敏(也就是不断让自己处在这样的环境中做突破)即可突破。
当突破了怕不怕的这重境界，也就进入了第二重。
第二重：敢于站上去说，但是经常有种无话可说的窘迫。感觉演讲没啥说的，这就跟很多人觉得平时交流没有话题，不知道说啥一样(当然不愿意说的情况除外)。其实很多人会觉得这是因为自己的知识储备不够，但其实这背后最主要的原因，还是放不开。你想，我们从小到大，二十多年的人生经历，怎么可能没什么可讲的呢?你和一两个特别熟悉的人其实依然侃侃而谈，但是面对一群陌生人的时候，就会一些犹豫顾虑，其实还是心理抑制的结果。比如为什么何炅、李咏那些主持人，头脑那么灵光，反应那么快，那么的妙语连珠，一个很重要的前提就是非常的放松。我们的大脑是有许许多多的神经网络构成，就好比是一个超级大都市的交通网络，四通八达，当一个人具有紧张、焦虑、愤怒、激动的情绪的时候，这些交通网络就会变得阻塞，于是，我们常常体会到，站在台上原本背的滚瓜烂熟的东西都记不起来了，平时聪明灵活的脑子也变得僵化和迟钝了，就是这个原因。相反，一个人如果处在一种非常放松并且略带兴奋地状态，头脑中的交通网络就会高度畅通，人大脑中储备的信息就会高速运转，相互碰撞，结果灵感一个接一个，妙语也就连珠了。所以，本质来讲，一个人不会说话，不善交际( 排除不愿意说的情况)，其实还是心理状态的抑制。这一点说明还需要大量的脱敏实践，当一个人彻底地放松了，心灵也就解放了。
第三重：内心放松，想说什么说什么。可以完全脱稿讲上很久，并且可以自然的跟观众互动，有了自己的一定风格。
这重境界就是自由的境界，但这还属于小自由境界，特点就是头脑彻底被解放，心灵完全自由，想怎么说就怎么说。可以完全脱稿当众演讲半小时以上，时间如果允许，甚至可以讲几天几夜(主题不限的情况下)。所以，一个充分解放的头脑会感到无限的能力。心灵一旦自由，大脑中存储的大量信心就会被激活，调用资料的速度会大大提高。这时我们会感到有说不完的话，这是第三重境界。
对于演讲经历不同的人来说，第3重境界看似已经挺好的了，还有更高的吗?当然有!
第四重：不是随意的想说什么就说什么，而是能够按照一定的章法、规律，无招胜有招的达成自己的目的。
小隐隐于山，中隐隐于世，大隐隐于朝!在深山里修炼叫小隐，在社会中修炼叫中隐，而在朝廷里做官能做好，才叫做最高境界，大隐。比如曾国藩。很多人往往对心灵自由的理解以为想做什么就做什么，想说什么就说什么，这不是自由的最高境界。自由的最高境界是——适应、顺应!还拿演讲来说，最高境界是可以很好的控场，可以很好的与观众互动，不是随意的想说什么就说什么，而是按照一定的章法，按照一定的规律，无招胜有招的达成自己的目的。就像前面提到的既能有逻辑、清晰的呈现自己的思想内容，又能够让听众看到你真诚的态度，抓住听众的脑，又能抓住听众的心，这才是最高境界。
为什么公众演讲会紧张
1、氛围不适应。对于不习惯公众演讲的人来说，这样的场合常常会被和课堂、考场、面试地甚至刑场联想在一起，从而产生一种“受审者心态”。我是来考试的，是来受刑的。
2、害怕犯错，害怕出糗。
3、太在意别人对自己的评价，觉得不能出现任何负面。
4、缺乏必要的准备，对于讲什么心里没底，平常缺乏必要训练，不懂控场技巧。
5、以往失败的演讲经历。笔者过去每次上台都会被台阶绊到。
6、讲前一直干坐着，越来越紧张。
7、缺乏互动，背书式朗诵，与观众无法融合，一定越来越紧张。
而对于这些问题，是有解决方案的。
1、我不是受刑的，我是来征服的。
2、我不在意大家对我的评价，我只关注能带给大家什么。
3、我会犯错，但是我很真诚自信。
4、我会出糗，但是我会幽默自嘲。
5、专注于目标，我要讲什么，希望大家记住什么。
6、上台的时候，以横S或M先扫视台下，3秒，讲的时候看台下中心点的人。
7、准备好所有的核心句、过渡和爆点。
8、练习再练习，你会爱上演讲的。
9、讲前边干坐僵站，多活动身体看看台下，找小地方熟悉熟悉词，听听别人成功的录音找找感觉，我称为借势蓄势热身开身。
10、不要背书，把观众设想为一个整体，与之对话。
11、注意控制时间，该略过的毫不犹豫地略过。
12、开场时对观众做一些声明，提起兴趣，放松警惕，拉近距离。
公众演讲焦虑的解决办法
A. 准备
你的演讲准备的越充分，你的焦虑小人就越老实。这意味着尽管你面对这些生物，但是你身边武器充足，你给自己建了个碉堡，有机枪大炮飞机，他们的所有可能的攻击都在你的射程范围之内。你一开始会慌一下，但是你突然摸了摸手里的AWP(玩过CS的人都知道这种狙击步枪)即，你会想一下你要讲的内容全部烂熟于心，心里的忐忑就小了很多。
因此，做充足的准备，模拟讲几次是最靠谱的应对方式。当我讲课之前有焦虑的时候，我会写那么几百字上千字逐字稿。就是想讲什么就说什么。然后我就慢慢进入状态。
同时还有一个很棒的方式。就是画个全息流程图
这是个很有效的方法，出自古典老师讲的内训课(不知道现在他还讲不讲这部分了，反正他在如何讲课方面有七百种武器)，你把一堂课的全息图都画出来，你也就把每一步要讲什么反刍了一遍。用在演讲也会很有效，你知道开始怎么设悬疑，中间怎么填坑，结尾怎么升华。
这样心里有底，恐惧小人就是纸老虎了。
B. 暗示
尽管恐惧小人是纸老虎，但怎么也是老虎啊。临到上场你还是会有焦虑的，你怕自己大脑一片空白，准备好的词全忘掉。
于是，这就得心理暗示上场了。以下是几种暗示方法。
1. 把注意力集中在你要表达的内容上面。如果你真的画了一个全息流程图，那专注的看看这个流程图会起到临阵磨枪的功效。你刻意的专注，你就忘了焦虑;
2. 跟听众们产生点互动。环顾听众们，问他们一些问题，比如培训师经常大声的问学员：『各位同学你们好吗?』同学们大声说：『好，很好，非常好!』这本身是通过一种仪式感来威慑内心的焦虑小人，类似于升堂衙役们喊『威武』，也类似于佛家的『棒喝』。当然，你也可以预先准备几个小问题，问问你的听众，比如你对他们做个年龄的统计，做个职业的统计BlahBlah。
3. 咀嚼口香糖。这是行为主义的方法。你本来在讲台上就要用嘴，不如提前把嘴预热了。保持咀嚼感是不是能让嘴先热起来，然后会带动脑的预热。
4. 内心暗示。你内心要相信，你讲的内容不是学员的敌人，而是你要传递分享的最有价值的部分，是扔给他们的糖果。你的情绪脑，就是那个焦虑小人告诉你，要快跑;而你的理性脑，就是那个光环小人要告诉你：『NO，我要把要讲的讲完再说，他们不是敌人，是知音，是我要分享的人，是要接纳我的人。』这种暗示能让你定下来。
公共演讲焦虑怎么办
篇2：战胜公共演讲的恐惧
据统计，大约75%的人体验过公共演讲的恐惧，恐惧的后果就是使我们回避必须去面对的事情。这可能成为一个恶性循环，因为越回避越焦虑，尤其是对明知随着自己职位上升在公共场所讲话的概率越来越高的管理者而言。
但我们可以通过实践学会转化焦虑情绪，并积极地利用紧张情绪的正能量，使自己成为技能娴熟的演讲者。演员对紧张情绪的正能量再清楚不过了，出色的表演需要的正是这样的正能量一一多数表演都需要学习接受和转换紧张情绪，让其为表演服务而不是破坏表演。
所以首先要做的是抓住每一次练习演讲或在公共场所演讲的机会。如果提到演讲就感到非常紧张，可以先试看在自己感觉安全和放松的环境进行演讲。可以利用团队会议、社区或家庭活动机会，让自己习惯面对听众。如果已经足够自信，那么应专心创造出一些新想法或探索出一些更具吸引力的演讲内容。
2战胜公共演的信念
我们时常抱有一些打击自身信心和积极性的潜在信念，如“伟大的演讲者是天生的，不是后天培养的”或“像我这样的人是不善于演讲的，因为我害羞、内向或天生就不是演讲者的料”。花时间去发现自身与公共演讲有关的，可能影响自身想法和学习新技能积极性的限制性信念。我们经常看到别人在公共场合露面的光彩，比如政客、演员或者首席执行官，却没有看到他们多年如一日地磨炼沟通技能所付出的努力。人们很容易忽略，演员在经历过所谓的“怯场”后，仍继续给人们带来出色的表演。所以请谨记，沟通技巧提可以学习、改进和加强的。
接下来的一个星期里，写出你对公共演讲和发言的所有限制性信念，然后在每一条信念旁边写出以下答案:这是真的吗?如果回答是，进一步自我提问:我怎样才能完全确定这是真的?
例如，你可能认为有些人就是“天生的演讲者”，因为他们更外向、更自信，不像自己这样。但是你真的知道其他演讲者为自信地面对听众付出过什么吗?他们花费了多少年的努力才使自己那么自信?他们是否接受过培训或辅导?
他们必须做多少练习才能有今天的成就?
你也可以想一下那些可以让自己自由舒适地与一群人聊天的场合，比如与朋友、家人和同事一起的社交场合。人们很容易对别人做出假设，然后自我批判或低估自己能力，所以请记住，信念仅仅是一种随着时间的推移而“被动变成”现实的思维习惯。
篇3：英语经典演讲
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
篇4：英语经典演讲
Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.
I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.
In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.
Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.
This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.
We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.
My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.
With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.
We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.
My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,
“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”
The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.
Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.
My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.
But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.
Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.
I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.
To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.
To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.
God bless the children, and God bless us all.
Good night.
篇5：英语经典演讲
Good evening, my fellow citizens，
This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.
We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.
Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.
I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.
I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.
I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.
Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.
The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.
Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.
My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.
This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.
Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.
As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.
We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.
This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.
Thank you very much.
篇6：公共演讲需要掌握的技巧
我们非常羡慕台上侃侃而谈的人，看他们在台上一站就是一整天或者连续站几天都有话题可讲，或许我们自己站上去的时候可能连10分钟就词穷了。下面给大家分享一些关于公共演讲需要掌握的技巧，希望对大家有帮助。
公共演讲中有哪些语言技巧
1. 对听众演讲就像喂一个两岁的小孩子吃苹果酱。一匙的量越多，就会有越多的苹果酱掉在地板上。无论在你的幻灯片还是你的演讲正文上，你只需要那些能支持你观点的必要信息，其他的都删掉。当没有什么可以删掉时，你便写完了你的演讲稿。
2. 当你越不刻意向听众炫耀你的学问，他们反而越会敬佩你的专长。当你用他们熟悉的语言向他们讲述他们关心的事，并且忽略你自己的专业词汇，你已经从就事论事的专家提升到了战略顾问的高度。
3. 从外部入手。你的内心状态决定你的肢体语言：当你伤心时会无精打采，当你开心时就会延展四肢。但这个过程也可能是相反的。你的姿势、手势和面部表情将会产生神经化学和荷尔蒙信息，从而影响你的感觉。所以有些老套的建议也很有用。站直、将重量放在你的双脚上、抬头挺胸、敞开心扉，并且微笑，这些动作可以使你看起来感觉良好。
4. 敢于沉默。在你开口之前，微笑着面对你的听众，保持微笑并安静地、深深地呼吸三次。然后，当沉默变成了你即将涂写杰作的空白画布时，开始。
5. 用图片说话。马丁·路德将他的想法写在教堂的门上。通过生动、具体的方法将你的想法植入听众的脑海之中。“二鸟在林不如一鸟在手(多得不如现得)”这样的习语比“我们已有资产的价值比我们追求着的但还没有拥有的资产的价值多两倍”这样的表达更容易记忆。
6. 击败舞台恐惧症，专注于自己的重点。当你集中注意力在可能发生的问题上，而不是你想要达成的目标或是你为此所使用的方法时，恐惧通常会不期而至。打网球时不看网，打高尔夫球时不看沙坑，你只看着球并且集中精力击球。
7. 把标题变成句子。幻灯片上使用标题句更好，因为它们表达一个观点，而标题短语仅仅创造一种名目。“潜在积极性”只是一个标签，而且可能会被忘记。而“我们能掌控我们的同类”将会被记住。
公开场合演讲技巧
仪容一定要到位
无论是女士还是男士，整齐、清洁、利落、自信的仪容是作为一个演讲者必须具备的形象。女士在仪容上一定要注意几点：以套装为宜，化淡妆为佳，头发需整齐、利落、不可遮住脸部 ，袜子的颜色以肤色为佳，不可有花纹，鞋子最好是有跟的，切忌在身上挂满的配饰。男士在仪容上也要注意：服装以深蓝、深灰的西装为佳，一定配素色衬衫，领带颜色应配合西装色系;头发也需整齐、利落、不可遮住脸部 ，鞋袜以深色最佳，千万不可着白袜，保持干净 。
注意面部表情的到位
面部表情一定要真诚，应与演讲内容相吻合，不要因为紧张而使其走样 ，不能过份严肃， 注意微笑，但在不该笑的时候千万不能笑。在观众中寻找笑脸，并在演讲时有意识地对着他们讲话 ，以观众为重，千万不要把所有注意力放在自己身上 ，而忽视了演讲的本质。
演讲时的姿式有讲究
有一句话说的好，站有站相，坐有坐姿，在演讲的这个大舞台上，你的每个细微的动作都会被台下的观众看的一清二楚，所以我们要非常注意我们在台上姿式。站立时两脚间的距离相当于平时走路的 “一步”大小为佳，身体略向前倾，并将重心落于双腿间，上身一定要挺直，但不要给人僵硬的感觉。
一定要有一定的手势
很多演讲大咖非常懂得利用手势来与场上的观从互动，一个好的手势有时比讲个不停来的有效果的多。但在做手势时，有几个要点一定要注意，手臂需放在身侧，并要轻松自如，而如果强调想法时，手的动作要尽量放大 ，并且手势动作的范围要在腰部以上，因为观众基本关注的也是上半身的比较多。
如何提升自己的公众演讲能力
1、学习
通过演讲培训机构或者视频书籍提升自己的演讲能力，但真正能够掌握公众演讲这项技能的话还需要不断的实战训练和学习。
2、模仿或复制
找到一个可以成为自己榜样的人，从他的演讲中汲取灵感模仿或复制他的演说，这样可以让进步的速度更快一些。当然，创新是一个不变的过程，最后要根据自己的特点来发展适合自己风格的演说方式。
3、乐于分享
经常阅读一些好的书籍、故事或是聆听一些人的演讲，把心得和快乐经常分享给身边的人，这样既可以分享又可以锻炼自己的表达能力。当然，这更是一种无形的演练，从数量到质量的演变中，公众演讲能力自然会有很大的进步。
4、学会总结
对于一个公众演说的人来说，总结能力是至关重要的。我们学会了精练总结一些生活中的人、事、物以后，可以写成日记，也可以发表给一些杂志社，更可以口头表达给一些对这个话题感兴趣的朋友。
5、主动和参与
为了更好的在公众演讲方面得到锻炼，也可以主动接触一些社会活动上参与讨论和发言。这样的机会在一般的城市里还是很多的。例如培训会、演讲会、各类沙龙活动等等，经常和朋友或陌生人交流沟通，自然会培养自己良好的社交能力，公众演讲能力也会随之进步。
篇7：公共关系学英语简历
a: Personal Date(个人资料)：Name(姓名)、Address(通讯地址)、Postal Code(邮政编码)、Phone Number(电话号码)、Birthday(出生日期)、Birthplace(出生地点)、Sex(性别)、Health(健康状况)、Date of Availability(可到职日期)、Number of Identification Card(身份证号码)。
b: Job/Career Objective(应聘职位)c: Education(学历)：就读学校及系科的名称、学位、始止时间，应聘职位相关的课程与成绩、社会实践课外活动、奖励等都应一一列出。
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RESUME
Personal information
English Name : YJBYS
Chinese Name:
Gender: Female
Date of Birth: Stature：162CM
Work Experience: 1 years
Residency: Guangzhou
Mobile :
E-mail：/jianli
Skills:Good at English listening, speaking, reading and writing, as well as Chinese writing, Fluency in speaking Mandarin.
Career Objective
Type of Employment: Full-time
Desired Location:
Desired Salary: Negotiable /Month
Desired Position:
●Assistant manager
●Representative of commerce
●Assistant of foreign trade
Work experience
.07 to .03
Company: /jianli
Duty: Operating Director Assistant
•WORKING FRUITS：
Running the web;
Constructing and managing the operating center：including custermer-service department ,designing department,product and operating department;
Changing edition of the web and supervising the operation;
Operating the upgrade programming and supervising the operation of the background ;
Building and operating the channel managing system;
The relative work for market extending;
Provide the daily administration and secretarial support.
.12 to 2008.03
Company:Royal Automobile Operation Co., Ltd
Duty:Operating : Sale Advisor
•WORKING FRUITS：
To fulfill the sales target within specific time
To develop potential customers
Present and explain car performance,Provide the customer our company benefits.
Education
Get the associate degree at Nanhua College of Industry and Commerce;
Take part in English Speech and other activities, organize the discussion;
Specialized courses pertaining to foreign trade: International Trade, Marketing, Business English Letters, Foreign Trade English, Business English Speaking and listening and so on.
Skills
Good at English listening, speaking, reading and writing, as well as Chinese writing, Fluency in speaking Mandarin.
Other imformation
My personality is faithful, energetic, responsible, active, enterprising and industrious. I have a wide range of hobbies, especially for traveling and cooking. I truly hope that we will have a good cooperation. It will be highly appreciated if you give me a opportunity and soon reply.
篇8：英语自我介绍演讲
Hello, everyone!
My name is .My Chinese name is xxx . I am very glad to join you in this class.
I just graduated from senior high school. I like Britain very much, so if I could study in Britain one day, I would be very happy. But my English is not very good now. So I'd like to improve my English in this class. And very glad to see our teacher Mr/Mrs .
Thank you.
篇9：英语自我介绍演讲
Tout le monde bon, jappelle XXX, le mle, 2 , linstitut de grands 4 étudiants de langues étrangères, étudie cette année suis des écialités anglaises, 2 Franais dextérieur, par langlais écialisé 6 niveaux, bientt après diplmé dannée obtiendrai la licence, est honoré aujourdhui pour pouvoir beaucoup participer à cette heure dinterviewer, jaurai la confiance, donc pourrai certainement avoir la bonne apparence, remercierai de moi cette occasion.
篇10：英语自我介绍演讲
“如何作自我介招？”这个问题看上去似乎很简单，人人都会。其实并不然，也有说的不是很理想的。主要的现象有几下几点：
1、不知从何说起。有很多同学当听到老师问：“can you make a self-introduction?”时，首先迟疑几秒，然后怔怔的看着：“老师说什么呀？”这一类算是“无准备型”。自我介绍是你与人打交道，参加各类口语考试，职场面试不可或缺的一部分，同时也是非常重要的一部分。作为口语测试，测试的老师其实重点考查的是你运用语言的能力，而不是对你的背景的了解。所以想把口语学好的同学不妨大胆的秀一下。
2、缺乏逻辑性。还有一些同学在作自我介绍时，要么只说两句话名字，年龄；要么夸夸其谈但缺乏逻辑性。别看简简单单的一个自我介绍有时也能反映出一个人的逻辑思维和做事态度。
3、缺乏幽默感。幽默的开场除了可以营造出活泼和睦的气氛外，还能给对方留下深刻的第一印象，即使对象是以建立了朋友关系或同事关系的外国人，在酒会或聚餐等各式场合，同样可以用诙谐的方式来表现自我，使你和他们之间的关系达到更圆满的程度。
篇11：英语自我介绍演讲
general introduction
i am a third year master major in automation at shanghai jiao tong
university, p. r. china. with tremendous interest in industrial engineering, i am writing to apply for acceptance into your ph.d. graduate program. education background
in 1995, i entered the nanjing university of science s best engineering schools. during the following undergraduate study, my academic records kept distinguished among the whole department. i was granted first class prize every semester,in , i got the privilege to enter the graduate program waived of the admission test.
at the period of my graduate study, my overall gpa(3.77/4.0) ranked top 5% in the department. in the second semester, i became teacher assistant that is given to talented and matured students only. this year, i won the acer scholarship as the one and only candidate in my department, which is the ultimate accolade for distinguished students endowed by my university. presently, i am preparing my graduation thesis and trying for the honor of excellent graduation thesis. research experience and academic activity
when a sophomore, i joined the association of ai enthusiast and began to narrow down my interest for my future research. with the tool of opengl and matlab, i designed a simulation program for transportation scheduling system. it is now widely used by
diffferent research groups in nust. i assumed and fulfilled a sewage analysis s all. Thank you for giving me such a valuable opportunity!
篇12：英语自我介绍演讲
I was graduated from qingdao university. my major is electronic.and i got my bachelor degree after my graduation in the
year of 20xx.
I spend most of my time on study,i have passed CET4/6 . and i have acquired basic knowledge of my major during my school time.
In July 20xx, I begin work for a small private company as a technical support engineer in QingDao city.Because Im capable of more responsibilities, so I decided to change my job.
And in August 20xx,I left QingDao to BeiJing and worked for a foreign enterprise as a automation software test engineer.Because I want to change my working environment, Id like to find a job which is more challenging. Morover Motorola is a global company, so I feel I can gain the most from working in this kind of company ennvironment. That is the reason why I come here to compete for this position.
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